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Taiwans ruling party has named a new acting chief, after the islands pro-China president Ma Ying-jeou stepped down as party chairman following a thumping defeat in local elections.在亲中国大陆的台湾总统马英Ma Ying-jeou)辞任国民党主席一职后,国民党已任命第一副主席吴敦义担任代理党主席。在此前的周末,国民党在台湾地方选举遭遇惨败。President Ma, who wanted the self-governed, democratic island to forge closer links with China - in a country deeply divided over whether to profit from extra Chinese investment or isolate itself from Beijing to safeguard its freedoms - resigned from his role as head of his Kuomintang party on Tuesday.周二,马英九宣布辞去党主席职务。一直以来,他希望自治、民主的台湾岛与中国大陆发展更紧密的联系。但台湾民众对于是要争取更多大陆投资、还是疏远北京方面以捍卫自身自由的问题上,存在很大分歧。He will, however, remain president until the end of his term in 2016.马英九将继续担任总统职位,直016年任期届满。On Wednesday, the KMT said(link in Chinese) that vice president Wu Den-yih would step up to the role of acting chairman, to replace Mr Ma.In announcing his resignation as party chair, Mr Ma said in an emotional speech (Chinese) that he was ;very ashamed; about the ;unprecedented; local election defeat. He added that he bore the most responsibility for the situation and was deeply apologetic, saying ;maybe I was not good enough;.马英九在宣布辞任党主席时发表了令人动情的讲话。他说,他对国民党在地方选举中遭到的“前所未有的”挫败感到“惭愧”。他补充称,他必须为败选负起最大责任,向大家诚恳道歉,表示“也许我做得不够好”。The local polls, in which the KMT was heavily defeated by the pro-independence Democratic Peoples Party, have led to predictions that the DPP could also triumph in the 2016 presidential elections.在此次地方选举中,国民党惨败给持台湾独立的民进党(DPP)。这也导致有人预测,民进党可能会016年总统大选中获胜。That could lead to heightened tensions across the Taiwan strait, with repercussions felt across Asia and beyond if Beijing decides to flex its muscle over the island it regards as a breakaway territory.倘若如此,可能导致台海两岸关系紧张加剧——如果北京方面决定对台湾采取武力威胁,那么整个亚洲及亚洲之外地区都将受到影响。Under Mas KMT, China has courted Taiwan as an ally in its ongoing territorial and political disagreements with Japan. But Beijing also maintains it will invade the island should it ever push for its formal independence to be recognised.在马英九任内,中国大陆一直致力于对台湾发展友好关系,将其作为应对中日领土与政治分歧的一个盟友。但北京方面也坚称,如果台湾追求外界认可的正式独立地位,那么将对台湾动用武力。来 /201412/346760You thought the eurozone crisis was bad. Today, Europe faces no greater challenge than the mass exodus of refugees seeking a haven from the carnage in Syria and the turmoil in north Africa and the Sahel. It is equally clear that both the EU’s response and its institutions have proved woefully inadequate.你或许认为欧元区危机很严重。如今,欧洲面临的最严峻挑战莫过于大批难民的涌入,他们是为了逃离叙利亚的大屠杀,北非和萨赫勒地区的动乱。同样清楚的是,事实明,欧盟的反应及其收容机构都严重不足。The question of immigration, a visceral issue in the way the single currency is not, is driving a wedge between EU populations and their governments, between member states and indeed between the EU itself and the values on which it was founded.移民问题——不同于单一货币,这是一个触动人心的问题——正在欧盟各国民众与本国政府之间造成隔阂、破坏成员国之间的关系,实际上也使欧盟自身偏离其所植根的价值观。France a country at the same time Mediterranean, Atlantic and continental is at the heart of this new storm. It has a xenophobic and illiberal force all too keen to take advantage of popular fears about the impact of migration in the shape of the National Front, Europe’s largest extreme rightwing party, with a base representing some 25 per cent of the electorate. But, until now, Paris has not indicated that it has any clue how to cope.作为一个毗邻地中海、大西洋的欧洲大陆国家,法国正处于这场新风暴的中心。法国存在一股排外、狭隘的势力,他们极其热衷于利用民众对移民所造成影响的恐惧,那就是欧洲最大极右翼政党,法国国民阵National Front),该党获得了法国全体选民5%的选票。但法国政府迟迟未表明如何应对难民问题。The current scale of Europe’s refugee problem is daunting. More than 100,000 boat-people arrived in the EU just in the month of July alone. The bloc’s leaders have agreed no coherent response. A recent meeting in Berlin between President Hollande of France and Angela Merkel, German chancellor, proved particularly bereft of content. The divisions between member states are growing unsustainable, with Germany, taking on board some 40 per cent of the EU’s new asylum seekers, while Britain only takes 4 per cent and France a scarcely less dismal 8 per cent.当前欧洲难民问题的严重程度令人震惊。仅月,就有超过10万难民乘船抵达欧盟。欧盟领导人并未就此达成一致的应对措施。法国总统弗朗索瓦攠朗Hollande)与德国总理安格拉默克尔(Angela Merkel)最近在柏林的会谈尤其空洞。欧盟成员国之间的分歧愈发不可调和,德国要接纳约40%新到欧盟的寻求避难者,而英国仅接纳4%,法国也才接%。Meanwhile pleas by Brussels and Berlin for the EU to share out asylum seekers equitably between member states have fallen on barren ground. Each country is preoccupied with its own story as Britain is, for example, with the rise of net migration to all-time highs. Beggar-my-neighbour stances by established parties and outright xenophobia by their insurgent challengers are on the rise.与此同时,布鲁塞尔与柏林方面关于欧盟成员国合理摊派接收避难者的呼吁也如同泥牛入海。每个国家都在忙于应对自己的问题——例如,英国的净移民数量已升至历史最高位。老牌政党以邻为壑的立场以及反对派挑战者彻底的仇外情绪都在上升。The recent attack aboard a Thalys high-speed train between the Netherlands and France has further stoked fears of cross-border terrorism and mutterings about the Schengen area of passport-free travel. The deliberate conflation by demagogues of immigration, the refugee exodus, the sp of Islam and jihadi terrorism is as emotionally powerful as it is factually spurious.最近发生在一趟往返荷兰与法国的大力士(Thalys)高铁列车上的袭击事件,进一步引发了对跨境恐怖主义的担忧以及对申根区(Schengen area)免签旅行安排的不满。煽动民心的政客故意将移民、难民外逃以及伊斯兰教和圣战恐怖主义的传播混淆到一起,虽然事实并非如此,但其在情感上的影响是巨大的。This is a backdrop against which a noxious force such as the National Front can prosper. It is France’s good fortune that the far-right group has largely sabotaged itself through the spat between Marine Le Pen, its leader, and Jean-Marie Le Pen, her father and the party’s founder. But Ms Le Pen and her forces have time to retrieve their position before 2017’s presidential elections, and are aly dragging French politics towards the anti-liberal, anti-European right.正是在这种背景下,法国国民阵线等邪恶势力得以崛起。法国很幸运,这个极右政党因其领导人马琳勒庞(Marine Le Pen)与自己的父亲、该党创始人马里勒庞(Jean-Marie Le Pen)之间的争执已经在很大程度上削弱了自身实力。但马琳勒庞及其势力017年的总统选举之前还有时间来恢复自己的地位,他们已经在将法国政治拖向反自由主义、反欧洲的右倾路线。France needs a principled and more coherent alternative to the National Front; the EU needs a response to the immigration crisis that lives up to rather than falls short of its values. At present, most EU member states, France included, are not providing the systematic right of asylum to which war-refugees are entitled under international humanitarian law or by common decency.法国需要一个有原则、更加团结的政党来代替国民阵线;欧盟应该拿出符合其价值观的应对移民危机的措施。目前,大多数欧盟成员国(包括法国)都未向难民们提供国际人道主义法或人类共有的道德行为准则赋予战争难民的系统性庇护权。This may not matter to the National Front’s core electorate, but it does mean that mainstream policy has largely conceded defeat when it comes to values. Europe is better than this; so is France. Europe’s leaders need to live up to our responsibilities as humans and as neighbours, assume part of the burden, and talk straight to the electorate. Continued European and French fecklessness will only improve the far-right’s prospects of success, and deepen what is aly an unprecedented crisis.这对于国民阵线的核心持者来说或许并不重要,但它的确意味着,主流政策在价值观方面已大体承认是失败的。欧洲的情况要好一些;法国也是如此。欧洲领导人需要履行我们作为人类和邻居的责任,承担部分重担,并向选民坦率直言。欧洲与法国持续的不作为只会提高极右翼势力未来成功的可能性,使这场本已空前的危机愈演愈烈。来 /201509/399113BEIJING (AP) A senior Chinese diplomat Wednesday called on the U.S. and other Western countries to put aside their wariness of Chinas justice system and work with Beijing to send back officials who have absconded overseas with ill-gained loot.北京(美联社)——一名中国外交官周三呼吁美国和其他西方国家把对中国司法系统的警惕心放在一边并与北京合作将藏匿海外的贪官送回中国。Xu Hong, director-general of the treaty and law division for Chinas Foreign Ministry, said at a news conference that some countries have ;passive attitudes; about signing extradition treaties with Beijing.中国外交部协议与法律司司长徐宏在一个新闻发布会上说有些国家在同中国签署引渡协议上“态度消极”;China is y to sign an extradition treaty, but it looks like the ed States is not prepared to do so,; Xusaid.“中国已经做好准备签订引渡协议,但美国似乎还没有做好这方面的准备,”徐说。The ed States, Canada and Australia —the most popular destinations for Chinese officials accused of corruption —have yet to sign extradition treaties with China.美国,加拿大和澳洲是被指控贪污的中国官员最经常去的国家,但是这些国家都没有同中国签订引渡协议。Analysts say the countries are reluctant to hand fugitives suspected of economic crimes to Beijing because of concerns over whether they would get fair trials, and because of Chinas use of the death penalty for such crimes.分析者称这些国家不愿意将涉嫌经济贪污的逃亡者交给中国是因为担心这些人是否会得到公平的审判,还因为这类犯罪在中国可被判处死刑。Beijing has estimated that since the mid-1990s, 16,000 to 18,000 corrupt officials and employees of state-owned enterprises have fled China or gone into hiding with pilfered assets totaling more than 800 billion yuan (5 billion).中国估计990年代中期以来,有160008000名腐败官员和国企雇员逃离中国并藏匿在国外,总的贪污资产达到000多亿元。来 /201411/345306

Is the state making a comeback? It can certainly look like it. Old-fashioned interstate conflicts are roiling the China Sea and Russia’s western borders. Inter-governmental meetings such as the last Apec conference and the Group of 20 leading economies in Sydney took on an unwonted urgency. More positively, it is old-fashioned diplomacy that is making the running on issues from Iran’s nuclear programme to global warming.国家正在“卷土重来”?看起来可能就是如此。老式的国家间冲突正搅动着中国China Sea)和俄罗斯西部边境。政府间会议,比如刚结束的亚太经合组Apec)会议0国集G20)悉尼峰会,都具备了一种少有的紧迫性。更能明这一点的是,在从伊朗核计划到全球变暖等一系列问题上,老式的外交仍发挥着主导作用。Yet the dominant view since the early 1990s has been that globalisation meant the transformation of the world through non-state actors. The end of the cold war ushered in an almost Marxist expectation that the state would wither away overshadowed by free flows of money and goods, undermined by non-state actors of which terrorist groups were only the most obvious. It was an expectation shared right across the political spectrum.然而,上世0年代初以来的主流观点一直是,全球化导致非国家力量成为世界变革的主导因素。冷战的结束催生了一种近乎马克思主义式的预期:在资本与货物自由流动的巨大阴影下,在非国家力量(恐怖组织只是其中最明显的一力量)的削弱下,国家将逐渐消亡。各个政治派别都曾产生这种预期。On the left, critics of market globalisation anticipated the rise of people power. Non-governmental organisations would supersede the supposedly worn out institutions of the nation state and create new, more vibrant forms of political activity. Technology would bring better solutions to old problems, bypassing stagnant state institutions.在左翼阵营,市场全球化的批评者曾预期民众力量会崛起。非政府组织将取代应该已破败不堪的民族国家机构,并创立新的、更具活力的政治活动体制。科技将为老问题带来更有效的解决办法,绕开死气沉沉的国家机构。The neoliberal right hailed the rise of global finance, the dismantling of capital controls and the deregulation of banking, not least because all of these weakened national governmentscapacity to control markets. In manufacturing and services, enormous new powers accrued to corporations able to take advantage of differing tax regimes and wage levels across the world.新自由主Neoliberalism)右翼阵营则为全球金融的崛起、资本管制的解除和业的去监管叫好,其重要原因在于,这几个因素都弱化了民族国家政府对市场的管制能力。在制造业和务业,巨大的新兴力量渐渐集中到那些能利用全球税制和工资水平差异牟利的企业手中。Yet these hopes underestimated the sheer staying power indeed the legitimacy of the state and its institutions, and the extreme difficulty of creating new ones from scratch. NGOs remain on the sidelines: international organisations are vehicles for clusters and coalitions of national states to act in concert where they can. To that extent they are essentially derivative, reflecting the wishes of their most powerful members. The idea that they could be freed from the clutches of national governments was a pipe dream.但是,这些预期低估了国家及国家机构的巨大耐久力(其实就是其合法性),以及从无到有创建新机构的极端困难性。非政府组织唱的仍然是配角:国际组织是民族国家为在可能领域采取一致行动而设立的抱团及联合平台。就此而言,它们本质上属于派生物,反映的是其最强大成员的意愿。有人认为它们能摆脱民族国家政府的控制,这种想法就是白日做梦。And the neoliberal infatuation with unfettered markets has not fared much better. The era of globalisation was always one of instability and in Mexico, east Asia, and Russia, the costs of crisis were evident to those who cared throughout the 1990s. But it was only a decade later, when the failure of Lehman Brothers and its aftermath robbed Americans and Europeans of their faith in capitalism, that perceptions started to change where it counted.新自由主义对自由市场的迷恋,导致的结果也没好到哪去。全球化时代一直伴随着动荡;整0世纪90年代,在墨西哥、东亚和俄罗斯,危机带来的损失对那些关心这一切的人来说显而易见的。但自由市场经济体的民众观念开始发生转变是0年之后,那一年,雷曼兄弟(Lehman Brothers)垮台及其余波导致欧美人丧失了对资本主义的信心。Since then, power has shifted back towards the state on multiple fronts. It was, after all, taxpayers who bailed the banks out. It fell to central banks, in conjunction with finance ministries, to superintend the exit from crisis. Since 2010, the increasing inequality that has accompanied the recovery has fuelled an underlying swell of electoral anger not only against the banks but also against the light tax burdens enjoyed by many global corporations. The change in sentiment threatens further trade liberalisation and has propelled calls for the international harmonisation of corporation taxes up the political agenda. At the same time, Vladimir Putin’s muscle-flexing illustrates the continued indispensability of states in settling matters of war and peace.自那以来,国家已在多个方面“卷土重来”。毕竟,是纳税人拯救了业。正是多国的央行和财政部携起手来,才引领世界脱离了危机。自2010年以来,与复苏相伴而来的是不平等的加剧,这可能已令选民对乃至对许多跨国企业享有的轻税负产生更大的愤慨。民众情绪的变化对进一步的贸易自由化构成了威胁,并引发了把制定国际统一公司税摆在政治议程更靠前位置的呼声。同时,弗拉基米#8226;普京(Vladimir Putin)炫耀武力的行为表明,在解决战争与和平的问题时,国家一直是不可或缺的。In reality, the state has been with us the whole time. Its fiscal imprint has hardly changed in decades: US government receipts, for instance, are much the same percentage of output today as in 1960. In the UK, public spending has fluctuated within a fairly narrow band throughout the same period. What happened over the past two or three decades was less a withering away of the state than a recalibration of official priorities. Abdicating strategic planning internally, the state become an arbiter of regulatory regimes. Externally, it transformed defence budgets, transferring resources from men to machines.在现实中,国家由始至终没有离开过我们。几十年来,国家的财政印迹几乎没有发生变化:比如,如今的美国政府收入与经济产出之比,960年基本相同。同期,英国的公共出一直在相当窄的范围内波动。过去二三十年发生的事,更多的是一种官方优先事项的重校,而不是国家力量的日渐衰落。对内,国家不再做战略规划,变身成为监管体制的仲裁者。对外,国家大幅调整了防务预算,把资源从人转到机器上。The financial crisis has accelerated some of these trends and started to reverse others. States or the politicians who lead them are still reluctant to do what would have been done in the 1940s. They remain strikingly reluctant to impose tougher penalties on banks or to identify unemployment as a priority. But what is perhaps important is what the crisis has done globally: by discrediting the more mythical idealisations of the market, it has encouraged the restoration of state power as a goal in itself. This programme is easily harnessed by authoritarian leaders in the name of national sovereignty and democracy. Hungary and Russia exemplify the trend. We have heard a lot, this past 20 years, about the decline of the state. We will not be hearing much more.金融危机加快了上述部分趋势,并开始逆转另一些趋势。国家——或者说领导国家的政治人士——仍不愿做原本在上世0年代就可做到的事情。他们仍极不愿意对处以更严厉的惩罚、或把解决失业作为优先任务。但重要的可能是金融危机在全球造成的后果:它让那些神乎其神的、把市场理想化的理论名誉扫地,从根本上促使人们把恢复国家的力量做为一项目标。这一进程容易被假托国家主权与民主之名的威权领导人利用。匈牙利和俄罗斯就是这一趋势的典型例子。过去二十年,我们听到了许多关于国家力量走下坡路的议论。未来,这种议论不会显著增多。来 /201412/346231

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