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Austerity in Portugal葡萄牙的紧缩政策More pain, less gain痛苦更多,收益更少Yet another austerity budget raises concerns about future growth但是另一轮预算紧缩引发了对未来发展的担忧In happier days before the euro crisis, one government in Lisbon rebranded the Algarve as the Allgarve, hoping to appeal to English-speaking tourists. Now a Portuguese wit suggests rebranding the whole country as Poortugal.在欧元危机到来之前,日子还较为愉快,里斯本政府还将阿尔加维改名为Allgarve,希望吸引讲英语的游客。而如今,聪明的葡萄牙人建议,把整个葡萄牙改名为“穷葡萄牙”(poortugal).Amid furious protests and thundering editorials, such mordant humour was a restrained response to the draft 2013 budget that Vitor Gaspar, the finance minister, presented on October 15th. To meet the targets agreed to by the “troika” of the European Union, European Central Bank and IMF, he wants “enormous” tax increases, including the raising of average income-tax rates by as much as a third.财政部长维克多–加斯帕尔(Vitor Gaspar)于10月15日提交的2013年预算草案引发了强烈的抗议和雷鸣般的社论,在这种背景下,这一辛辣的幽默仅仅是对这一草案的委婉回应。为了达成得到三大巨头----欧盟,欧洲央行和国际货币基金组织同意的目标,加斯帕尔想要极大的提高税收,其中包括提高将收入税税率提高三分之一。Seldom have protesters, economists and politicians been so united in describing the plans: “brutal”, “a crime against the middle class”, a “fiscal atomic bomb”. Few agree with Mr Gaspar’s claim that “this is the only possible budget” and that to question it is to risk being subjected to a “dictatorship of debt” with Portugal condemned to depend on its official creditors indefinitely.抗议者,经济学家和政客很少如此团结。他们一致将这项计划描述为“残酷的”,“反中产阶级的犯罪”,一颗“财政原子弹”。加斯帕尔称,“这是唯一可能的预算”,质疑这项预算就是要冒险遭受“债务独裁”,葡萄牙会因无限依赖官方债权人受到谴责。但是很少有人会同意他的观点。Yet most voters would agree with Mr Gaspar that to default on the country’s debt, as the radical left advocates, would be “catastrophic”. Even so, recent protests have been swelled by tens of thousands of mainstream voters who believe that squeezing working families is not just unnecessarily painful but is also choking off growth.但是大多数选民会同意加斯帕尔的看法,认为如果像极右派提倡的那样进行债务违约的话将会带来“灾难性的”后果。但即使如此,近期成千上万的主流选民还是加强了抗议,他们认为压榨工薪阶层家庭不仅会带来没有必要的伤害,还会扼杀增长。The critics have latched on to the latest outlook from the IMF in which the fund argues that, in today’s economic climate, fiscal consolidation is having a bigger negative impact on growth than usual. The opposition Socialists believe this perfectly describes Portugal’s predicament. They want more time to meet budget targets, on top of an extra year granted last month. More worrying for Pedro Passos Coelho, the prime minister, is that the IMF line is echoed by President Anibal Cavaco Silva, also from the centre-right, who has written that it is wrong to pursue deficit goals “at any cost”.批评者抓住了国际货币基金组织最新的展望,该基金会称,在如今的经济形势下,财政巩固带来的消极影响要比平常的时候更大。社会主义反对者认为,这极为恰当的描述了葡萄牙的困境。除去上月同意增加的一年外,他们想要更多的时间来实现预算目标。而更令总理佩德罗·帕索斯·科埃略担心的是,国际货币基金组织的说法得到了极右派总统阿尼巴尔·卡瓦科·席尔瓦(Anibal Cavaco Silva)的赞成,他曾用写过,“不惜任何代价追求”追求赤字目标是错误的。Another concern is the rift in the coalition over the budget. The conservative People’s Party, junior partner to Mr Passos Coelho’s Social Democrats, wants more public-spending cuts (new revenues account for 80% of the 2013 fiscal adjustment). The two parties must vote together to get the budget through parliament. But Mr Gaspar insists there is “no room for manoeuvre”.另一个担忧是联合政府在预算问题上的分歧。芭苏丝·科埃略(Passos Coelho)领导的社会民主党的初级合作伙伴保守人民党想要进一步削减公共开(2013年预算调整中,新收入占据80%)。两党必须共同投票让议会通过预算。但是加斯帕尔坚持“不允许耍任何花招”。Some say that his intransigence is more for form than for fiscal doctrine. Unlike Greece, Portugal has gained much kudos in Brussels and Berlin for being a model pupil for the euro zone. That could help it if and when the Spanish government requests a bail-out—and starts to argue with the troika about whether ever more fiscal austerity is really sensible.有人说,他拒绝妥协更多的是做做样子,而不是出于财政理论。与希腊不同,葡萄牙一直是欧元区里的模范生,在布鲁塞尔和柏林都获得了很多赞赏。如果西班牙政府要求紧急援助,并且开始与三巨头争论进一步的财政紧缩政策是否真正明智,或在出现这种情况的时候,葡萄牙会因此受益。 翻译:孙齐圣译文属译生译世 /201608/459244。

We just slide your hand like that,Its so smooth.There are someone smoking.我们挥挥手就能打开它 缓缓地开启 有人在这里抽烟Ok,its like a Star Trek door or something OK,so Im backstage now and heres my friend Ron.这像个星际迷航的门 现在我在后台 这是我的朋友Ronhow are you,Ron?Damn.Whatever,Ok,So here we go.你好吗?Ron 该死 不管了 我们这里开始We are backstage and this is because you usually see me on the other side.我们在后台 因为你们平时在另一边看到我So Im gonna come around this way.所以我今天从这边走This is where Andy usually gets his short shorts measured right here.这里是Andy量他的短裤的地方And these are not,well those arent done.Those are the long ones you wear,so.这裤子还没完成 这些是长的Those are what we are talking about,thats good.所以 这才是我们在说的东西 很好All right,great.So,ah,lets see what else happens back here.好,让我们看看这里还有什么发生Oh,these are our game show.Oh,I didnt know you were together.哦 这是我们的游戏 哦,我不知道你们是一对Okay,So,yeah,this is what they do.They show the...,look like that,right?One more time,yeah.这就是他们做的事 他们像这样展示这个 对吗? 再来一次So,and heres,this is Dave who actually does this whenever we do that he plays the harp.这个是Dave 他在我们做这个动作的时候弹竖琴的人Once again.Good job,really good.Especially the few strings you have right there.再来一次 干得好 真的很好 特别是你仅有的几根弦All right,Jones is right here.This is what you usually see me do I take a slip hmm,of water.这里是Jones 你们经常看到我吸一口水Then I throw the Mentos up here.Hmm,I missed.Sometimes I miss.So,this Usually I got it but today,so.然后把薄荷糖扔上去 我们接到 有时候我接不到 平时我能接到但今天没有And heres our Know or Go Machine right here.You are cleaning that Jason?这里是我们“Know or Go”机器 你在打扫它吗 Jason?Yeah.All right,So thats what happens when Know or Go Machine is up there.这就是“Know or Go”机器在这里的时候做的工作These arent hooked up right now and I would push that button.它们现在没有插电源 然后我按下按钮 /201604/436216。

On 20th December 1924,1924年12月20日,Hitler was released from Landsberg Prison and set about trying to rebuild the Nazi Party.希特勒从兰德斯堡监狱获释着手重建纳粹党。Despite writing Mein Kampf,尽管著有《我的奋斗》一书,Hitlers charismatic credentials as a revolutionary were still largely based on his reputation as a speaker.但希特勒作为革命家的声誉仍然主要来自他的演讲风格。This series of studio photos, taken later in the 1920s shows how he attempted to demonstrate his dynamic image.这组20年代的摄影棚照片可看出他如何塑造活力四射的形象。But in the mid 1920s,support for the Nazis was dropping as the economy improved.但20年代中期援助纳粹党的经济来源减少。And one of the most senior Nazis, Gregor Strasser,纳粹一位高层领导,格雷戈尔·史特拉斯,wanted the party to be led in a less dictatorial way.希望纳粹党的领导能民主一些。His challenge now was to convince Adolf Hitler to agree with him.他面临的挑战就是说希特勒。On 14th February 1926,1926年2月14日,here, in the ancient city of Bamberg,班贝格,一个古老的城市,Hitler held a special conference to deal with Strassers proposals.希特勒在那里主持会议探讨史特拉斯计划。But there was to be no debate.但会议上不允许讨论。Hitler just spoke for several hours,他独自讲了几小时,repudiating Strassers ideas and was then cheered by his supporters.拒绝接纳史特拉斯的建议然后持者欢呼喝。Hitler did not approve of discussion nor of detailed policy.希特勒不允许讨论或详细公布政策。For a charismatic leader, vagueness is valuable.对于卓越领导者,含糊作答很重要。This is how he later explained the Nazi Party should operate.这是后来他对组织纳粹党的解释。Hitler worked hard to try and appear charismatic.希特勒致力于表现其非凡魅力。One technique he used was his stare.凝视是他的一个独门绝技。He would hold the eyes of the person he was looking at longer than was usual.他双眼会一直凝视着人的身上。One Nazi supporter later claimed he felt this when he looked into Hitlers eyes.一位纳粹持者后来这样描述当他望向希特勒的眼睛。That was one of the most curious moments of my life.那是我一生中最奇妙的时刻。The gaze, which at first rested completely on me,他凝视的目光,最初完全落在我身上,suddenly went straight through me and into an unknown distance.之后突然穿过我身体,投向未知远方。It was so strange.感觉很奇妙。 译文属201511/412539。

How do we break the cycle of poverty? What can we, as a state and a nation, do to help poor children escape poverty and move up and out?Jamie Fogel is a pre-doctoral fellow with Harvards department of economics and a researcher on the Quality of Opportunity project that takes a close look at the effect of poverty and geography.Fogel and his research team ask first and foremost: To what extent is the U.S. a ;land of opportunity?;They wanted to chart levels of mobility in the country and see how it varies across the nation.;If parents earned X, what do we expect their kids to earn? And in general, we focused on parents who were at about the 25th percentile of income distribution … and we looked at the outcomes for their children,; Fogel says.Ottawa County is the most upwardly mobile place in Michigan, according to the project.Fogel says Ottawa ranks above average in racial segregation, does very well in terms of income equality, and has relatively good test scores.The same cant be said for Washtenaw and Wayne counties. Kids who grew up in Ottawa saw income gain by ,000; Wayne County kids earned ,600 less than their parents.Fogels team also found that the longer you spend in a place, ;the more you look like that place.;;If you moved to a high-mobility area when youre younger, youre going to be more likely to experience that mobility, whereas if you move to that high-mobility place at a later age, youll still get some of the effects of the mobility, but to a lesser extent.;;Places matter,; Fogel says. He hopes his project can show policymakers that there is something we can do and that poverty is not intrinsic to individuals and their families.201506/378291。

Breaking up the Treasury财政部分裂Your money or your life要钱还是要命?The knives are out for Whitehalls mightiest department利刃直指白厅最强大的部门TONY BLAIR once kidnapped a civil servant. It was 2005 and the then prime minister, who was heading to EU budget talks in Luxembourg, needed an economic expert. So he purloined a Treasury official. The reluctant bureaucrat was later dumped in Paris without passport or money, recalls Jonathan Powell, a former adviser, in his book “The New Machiavelli”. Oddly, the man “just wanted our assurance that we wouldnt tell the Treasury that he had been travelling with us.” If the news got out, his career could have ended.托尼·布莱尔曾绑架过一位公务员。这发生在2005年,当时正前往卢森堡参加欧盟预算谈判的首相急需一位经济专家。所以他带走了一名财政部官员。据前任顾问乔纳森·鲍威尔在他的书作《新马基雅弗利》中回忆,那位本就不情不愿的官员在巴黎被丢下,不仅没有护照,更是身无分文。可奇怪的是,他“只想我们保不会告诉财政部他与我们同行。”如果消息走漏,他的事业也就完蛋了。The tale illustrates the potency of Britains finance ministry, which has long wielded more power than its international counterparts—or, it sometimes seems, the prime ministers office. In the post-war years the Treasury was a hub for Keynesian demand management. Under Margaret Thatcher it became the engine room of a monetarist revolution. It commandeered social policy during Mr Blairs administration. Now it oversees austerity, the lodestar of the coalition government.这个故事正说明了英国财政部的权势,它的权利涉及范围之广已超过它的国际同行,有时似乎更甚于首相办公室。在战后几年财政部曾是凯恩斯主义需求管理的中心。在玛格丽特·撒切尔任职期间,财政部成为了货币改革的中流砥柱。布莱尔手下行政机构的社会政策也被它霸占。如今它监视财政紧缩,这正是联合政府的目标。Yet a report published on September 4th, “The Destruction of HM Treasury”, says Whitehalls leviathan should count its days. The two authors know their stuff. Stian Westlake directs policy at the National Endowment for Science, Technology and the Arts, a charity taken seriously by Treasury types. Giles Wilkes was an adviser to Vince Cable, the business secretary.但是9月4日出版的报告《英国财政部的破坏》指出白厅兴风作浪的时日无多了。报告的两位作者有非常确切的报告素材。他们分别是斯蒂安·韦斯特莱克和贾尔斯·韦尔克斯,前者在国家科学、技术和艺术基金会指导政治,因为这个基金会是由财政部严肃对待的慈善项目。后者曾担任商务部长维斯·凯的顾问。Mr Westlake and Mr Wilkes argue that the rhythm of twice-yearly financial statements, in the budget and the autumn statement, makes the Treasury short-term in outlook and prone to headline-grabbing wheezes. Moreover, all three main parties have embraced the interventionist “sector strategies” championed by Michael Heseltine on the right and Lord Adonis on the left. Because the Treasury detests that sort of economic meddling, politicians have it in their sights. The departments functions might, the authors suggest, be distributed to an expanded prime ministers office, a stronger business department and a dedicated finance ministry.韦斯特莱克和韦尔克斯在预算和秋季声明中辩解道,财务报表一年两次的节奏是财政部短期之内在前景和倾向方面的头条伎俩。另外,三个主要党派均已与右翼代表迈克尔·赫塞尔廷和左翼代表阿多尼斯勋爵共同掌管的干预性“部门策略”合作。因为财政部憎恨的正是这种经济干预,而这正在政客们的掌控之中。两位作者还猜测,这个新的部门的作用或许是用来扩大首相办公室的权利,建立起一个更强大的商务部和一个专用的财政部。A plan to dismantle the Treasury was pitched to—and well received by—senior Labour figures at a private seminar last winter. Shadow cabinet ministers talk eagerly about the idea, though in the ruling Conservative and Liberal Democrat parties it is more a niche interest.在去年冬天的一个非公开研讨会上制定了一个针对工党高级官员的拆除财政部计划,这个计划也被这些官员欣然接受。尽管这对执政的保守党和自由民主党来说只是小众兴趣,但并不妨碍影子内阁的部长们对这个计划讨论的热火朝天。Even if any of this comes to pass, however, the Treasurys mandarins will remember that governments have tried to trim their wings before. Harold Wilsons Labour government set up a new Department of Economic Affairs to rival the Treasury. It too was supposed to concentrate on long-term planning, and it too was created partly for political reasons, to appease the ambitions of George Brown, the perpetually tired and emotional deputy leader of the party. The Treasury fought it, and won. Brown moved to the Foreign Office and the upstart department was unceremoniously closed down in 1969. The lesson? Never underestimate the power, and self-interest, of the Treasury.但即便这个计划的任何一条被通过,财政部的官员们将会明白政府曾试图折断他们的羽翼。哈罗德·威尔逊手下的工党政府成立了一个新的经济事务部门来对抗财政部。这个部门应该也是致力于长期的计划,而且它也是因部分政治原因而建立起来的,用来满足疲惫不堪且情绪化的党派副领导人乔治·布朗的野心。财政部与之对抗并最终胜利。布朗调到外交部,而自命不凡的经济事务部于1969年关闭。这一课教给我们什么呢?绝对不要小觑财政部的利欲熏心。译者:邵夏沁 校对:崔梦雪译文属译生译世 /201507/383553。