福清妇幼保健医院妇科医生怎么样快问乐园

来源:搜狐娱乐
原标题: 福清妇幼保健医院妇科医生怎么样医苑指南
At the Democratic convention last week, I experienced an uncomfortable feeling of déjà vu. Emblazoned across the arena was the rallying cry of the Hillary Clinton campaign — “Stronger Together”. It was a depressing reminder of “Stronger In,” — the slogan of the losing Remain campaign in Britain’s referendum on EU membership.在上周的民主党全国代表大会上,我体会到一种令人不安的似曾相识感。全场充斥着希拉里#8226;克林顿(Hillary Clinton)的竞选口号——“团结就是力量”(Stronger Together)。这让人沮丧地想起了“留欧就是力量”(Stronger In)——这是在英国退欧公投中输掉的留欧阵营的口号。This similarity is more than an unfortunate coincidence. I would point to three parallels between Brexit and the Trump phenomenon that should worry the Clinton campaign. The first is the potency of immigration as an issue. The second is the way in which the Trump and Brexit campaigns have become vehicles for protest votes about economic insecurity. The third is the chasm between elite opinion and that of the white working class.这种相似性不仅仅是令人遗憾的巧合。我会指出英国退欧和特朗普现象之间存在的3点相似之处,希拉里阵营应该对这些相似之处感到担忧。第一点是移民问题的力量。第二点是特朗普和退欧阵营如何已经成了选民对经济不安全感投下抗议票的工具。第三点是精英阶层和白人劳动阶层之间的意见分歧。Both the Trump and Brexit campaigns have put the promise to control immigration at the centre of their operations. In the UK, the Brexiters’ demand to “take back control” was understood to mean, above all, a promise to stop the flow of immigrants from Europe. Mr Trump’s most famous campaign pledge is to “build the wall” and stop illegal immigration from Mexico to the US.特朗普的竞选活动和退欧拉票活动均把控制移民的承诺置于运作的中心位置。在英国,退欧派“夺回控制权”的要求可以说首先意味着阻止移民从欧洲涌入的承诺。特朗普最著名的竞选承诺是“竖起高墙”、阻止墨西哥非法移民进入美国。In both the UK and the US, immigration has become a powerful symbol of the elite’s alleged willingness to undermine the living standards of the working class by allowing in cheap labour from overseas. The Brexit and Trump campaigns have also fused anxiety about immigration with fear of terrorism. Mr Trump has notoriously called for a ban on all Muslims entering the US. The Brexit campaign featured posters about the refugee crisis in the EU, playing to concerns about an inflow of Muslim immigrants from the Middle East.无论在英国还是美国,移民问题已经成为了一个有力的符号,象征着精英阶层听任廉价海外劳动力进入本国、损害劳动阶层生活水平的所谓意愿。英国退欧拉票活动和特朗普的竞选活动还把对恐怖主义的恐惧与对移民问题的担忧搅在一起。众所周知,特朗普呼吁禁止所有穆斯林进入美国。退欧阵营四处张贴有关欧盟难民危机的海报,利用民众对中东穆斯林移民涌入英国的担忧。In the British case, the Remain campaign never really found a way to dealing with public anxiety about immigration, and the Democrats may be falling into the same trap. Mrs Clinton’s declaration last week that “We will not build a wall” drew huge cheers from the floor of the convention. But the British experience suggests that declarations of this sort might simply be interpreted as a refusal to engage with public concerns about migration. Mr Trump is certainly making that case, tweeting recently that “Hillary’s vision is a borderless world where working people have no power, no jobs, no safety”.英国的留欧阵营始终未能真正找到平息民众对移民顾虑的方法,民主党可能也会在这个问题上栽跟头。希拉里上周宣布“我们不会竖起高墙”,引发了党代会现场的高声欢呼。但是英国的经验表明,此类宣言可能只会被解读为拒绝回应公众对移民的担忧。特朗普当然会主张这种解读,他最近在Twitter上称“希拉里的愿景是一个没有边界线的世界,在那个世界里劳动阶层没有权力、没有工作,也没有保障”。Mr Trump’s claim to champion the poor and those with precarious jobs is also politically potent. Something similar certainly worked in Britain, where the Remain campaign failed to anticipate that the referendum would turn into a vehicle for a protest vote about jobs and living standards. In the UK, most people have not seen any rise in real wages since the financial crisis of 2008, and many regions of the country have suffered economic stagnation for decades.特朗普声称持穷人和那些工作无保障的劳动者的做法,在政治上也是有效的。类似的做法在英国肯定起到了作用,那里的留欧阵营未能预料到退欧公投会变成民众针对就业和生活水平投下抗议票的工具。在英国,自2008年金融危机以来,多数人的实际薪资水平都没有任何上涨,英国很多地区都经历了数十年的经济停滞。After the Brexit vote, the journalist John Lanchester observed: “To be born in many places in Britain is to suffer an irreversible life-long defeat — a truncation of opportunity, of education, of access to power, of life expectancy.” The same could be said of many left-behindareas in the US, where average real wages have actually fallendropped in recent decades. The life expectancy of white Americans without a college degree has also fallen since 2000, driven, according to The New York Times, by an “epidemic of suicides and afflictions stemming from substance abuse”. A recently released Harris poll released last year showed that 85 per cent of Americans believe the people running the country do not care about them and 81 per cent believe the rich are getting richer, while the poor are getting poorer.在英国退欧公投后,记者约翰#8226;兰彻斯特(John Lanchester)道:“生在英国很多地方,就意味着要遭遇一生的注定挫败——机遇、教育、权力的享有、预期寿命都要打个折扣。”同样的话也适用于美国很多落后地区——最近数十年这些地区的平均实际工资实际上不升反降。自2000年以来,没有大学文凭的美国白人群体的预期寿命也出现下滑,据《纽约时报》(The New York Times)报道,这是由于“药物滥用造成的自杀和病痛(在这一群体中)普遍存在”。去年公布的一份哈里斯(Harris)民调显示:85%的美国人认为这个国家的掌权者不在乎他们;81%的人认为富人越来越富,而穷人则越来越穷。The problem for Mrs Clinton — and it is a big one — is that she embodies the political establishment that a large majority of Americans now appears to despise. The Democrats make the obvious point that Mr Trump’s own life is a monument to his indifference to ordinary people. But the more the US elite and “mainstream media” unites against Mr Trump, the more they underline his status as an anti-system candidate.希拉里的问题——也是一个大问题——在于她代表了如今大多数美国人看上去鄙视的政治建制。民主党指出了显而易见的一点,即特朗普自己的人生就是他对平民百姓漠不关心的明。但是美国精英阶层和“主流媒体”越是团结起来反对特朗普,他们就越是凸显出特朗普反体制候选人的身份。Some argue that Mr Trump’s base in the white working class is too small to carry him to victory in November. But that problem may not apply if the Republicans can significantly increase voter turnout. Once again, the British experience is relevant. The victory for Brexit was propelled over the line by secured by many working-class voters who had not bothered to turn out in the recent general elections.一些人认为,特朗普在白人劳动阶层的选民基础太小,不足以撑他在11月的总统大选中获胜。但是,如果共和党可以大幅提高选民投票率,这个问题可能就不成立了。在这里,英国的经历也有参考意义。退欧运动之所以取得了胜利,靠的是很多在最近几次大选中懒得去投票的劳动阶级选民。In the UK, the political elite’s disconnect with working-class opinion led most commentators to dismiss the many opinion polls that suggested Britain was going to vote Leave. In the US last week, I encountered a similar incredulity among many American pundits whose own horror of Mr Trump makes it almost impossible for them to countenance the idea that he might actually be their next president.在英国,政治精英的意见与劳动阶级脱节,导致多数人士忽视了很多表明英国将投票退出欧盟的民调结果。上周,在美国,我发现美国很多权威人士存在类似的问题,他们个人对特朗普的极度厌恶,使得他们不可能接受特朗普可能真的会成为下一任总统的想法。The similarities between the Brexit and the Trump campaigns are striking, but there are also important differences. Most obviously that while the Brexit campaign used a dog whistle to appeal to racist sentiment, Mr Trump is using a foghorn.英国退欧公投和特朗普竞选活动之间的相似之处显而易见,但是两者之间也存在重要区别。最明显的是,退欧阵营用针对特定人群的隐蔽信息呼唤种族主义情绪,而特朗普用的则是高音喇叭。The most prominent Brexit campaigners, such as Boris Johnson and Michael Gove, strove to remain outwardly affable during the referendum campaign. By contrast, Mr Trump has specialised in the erratic and abusive.鲍里斯#8226;约翰逊(Boris Johnson)和迈克尔#8226;戈夫(Michael Gove)等最著名的退欧派成员在公投拉票期间努力维持表面上的亲善。相比之下,特朗普则特别擅长发表让人大跌眼镜的粗鲁言论。It is certainly possible that Mr Trump’s behaviour will turn off enough voters to deliver victory to Mrs Clinton in November. Having lived through Brexit, I would not count on it.特朗普的行为当然有可能吓跑足够多选民,让希拉里在11月的大选中胜出。但在经历了英国退欧公投后,我不会认为肯定会这样了。 /201608/458749TOKYO —More than one in four people in Japan were aged 65 or older as of Oct. 1 accounting for 33.42 million or a record 26.7% of the overall population a government study showed Wednesday highlighting the nation’s challenge in dealing with rising social security costs from the rapid graying of society.东京--本周三,政府一项研究表明,截至至十月一日,日本大约每四个人里就有超过一个人的年龄过了65岁(含65岁),这些老人总计约三千三百四十二万人,即总人口的26.7%。该研究着重强调了迅速老龄化给国家应对持续上升的社保费用所带来的压力。The proportion in that age category was the highest since the government began such surveys in 1920 according to an estimate based on the 2015 census released by the Internal Affairs and Communications Ministry.根据日本总务省发布的2015年人口普查数据,自政府从1920年起开始的此类调查以来,目前这个年龄段的比例是最高的。Recent decreased birth rate reach to this population aging in Japan. We really feel this problem but must change our mind and life style first. To increase birth rate gradually nurse place is needed to be built more and childcare leave needs to be improved so that we can take very easily. Finally the population ratio must be changed..... I hope for our future.近年来下降的出生率助长了日本人口老龄化问题。我们确实感觉到了这个问题,但是必须首先改变我们的观念和生活方式。为了逐步增加出生率,日本需要修建更多的护理院,育儿假也得改善。只有这样我们才能轻松点。最后,人口比例必须改变。。。指望下一代吧。 /201607/453838

Growing up in California during the 1970s, in a Japanese household a generation after the atomic bomb was dropped on Hiroshima , it was often hard to work out how I felt about the event that ended the second world war. Aside from my brother I was the only Japanese kid at my school, and fitting in was kind of important. At home my mother would sometimes talk about her grandmother who was killed in Hiroshima; she suffered in the summer heat for a month before expiring.我在上世纪70年代在加州一个日本家庭长大,属于广岛原子弹爆炸后出生的一代人。我总是很难理清自己对这一给二战画上句号的事件怀着怎样的感受。除了哥哥,我是学校里唯一的日本孩子,和大家打成一片可是一件重要的事情。在家里,母亲有时会谈起在广岛遇难的祖母;离世前,她被酷暑折磨了整整一个月。Even when I was aged nine or 10, Hiroshima was taught at school and debated both in the classroom and on the playground. Never once was I subject to ill feeling — as my parents were when they moved to the US as students in the war’s aftermath — but a question always floated in the air: what do you think America should have done? And more deeply, a question only once put to me out loud, by the father of my best friend when I was seven: are you American or are you Japanese?在我9岁还是10岁的时候,学校还在教授广岛事件,教室里、操场上都有围绕这一话题的争论。我从未对美国怀有敌意,正如战后我的父母作为学生来到美国时那样,但总有一个挥之不去的问题:你觉得美国本该怎么做?还有7岁时我好朋友的父亲问的一个更深入的问题:你是美国人还是日本人?这是唯一一次有人向我问出这个问题。At school I learnt that the atomic bombings probably shortened the war and prevented greater suffering on both sides. At home I learnt that my family had been touched intimately by one of history’s worst calamities. The way I have reached not an answer but a resolution to these contradictions is by listening to the actions of my forebears more than to their words.在学校里我学到,原子弹轰炸可能缩短了战争持续的时间,而且阻止了战争双方出现更严重的伤亡。在家里,我感受到的是,家人的命运已深受这场史上最惨烈的灾难之一的影响。我找到的解决这些矛盾(而非寻求一个)的方法是去观察长辈的行为,而不是听他们怎么说。Four years after war’s end, my father left Japan aged 16 for boarding school in St Louis, Missouri. He wanted to study science in the country that was best at it. JJ#8202;Sakurai went on to become one of his generation’s leading physicists, and died while working at the European Organisation for Nuclear Research testing atomic theories — for purposes of human advancement — 40 years after atomic research yielded a weapon that brought destruction to his country.战争结束四年后,父亲(时年16岁)便离开日本,踏上了去密苏里州圣路易斯的求学之路,在寄宿学校就读。他希望在这个科学技术最发达的国家学习科学知识。后来,父亲樱井纯(JJ Sakurai)成了他那一代人中顶尖的物理学家,并在为人类进步而试验原子理论的欧洲核子研究中心(CERN)工作期间去世,这距离人类依据原子研究成果研制出给他的祖国带来毁灭性灾难的核武器已过去40年。My mother, Noriko, who lost her grandmother to Hiroshima, enrolled at International Christian University, an idealistic university on the outskirts of Tokyo founded in 1949 as a “university of tomorrow”, and left for America on an exchange programme at Keuka College in New York. It did not occur to her that she was bound for upstate New York not the Big Apple. She braved the shock and loneliness of having cows as neighbours instead of the Broadway stars who filled her dreams. She went on to meet my father at a party in Princeton — and did not return to live in Japan until well into her fifties.母亲法子(Noriko)在广岛爆炸中失去了祖母。她入读东京市郊、创立于1949年的国际基督教大学(International Christian University),一所被称为“未来大学”的充满理想主义的大学。后来,母亲也离开日本,赴美参加纽约州库克大学(Keuka College)的一个交流项目。让她没想到的是,她去的是纽约上州(Upstate New York),而不是有“大苹果”之称的纽约市。她经受住了与牛群做邻居带来的震惊与孤独,虽然她原本梦想与百老汇明星为邻。后来,母亲在普利斯顿的一次聚会上认识了父亲,直至50多岁才回到日本居住。My maternal grandfather, after the war, rarely spoke about his pain; during the war he went around saying, in private, that Japan was going to lose. I cannot imagine how he must have felt when the bomb proved him right. In 1947, still grieving for his mother, he did something I admire. He coached his alma mater, Meiji university, to victory in the Hakone Ekiden university relay race, run in stages from Tokyo to the foot of Mount Fuji and back. It was the first time the race was run after a three-year wartime hiatus. He taught a new generation the importance of character as his nation strove to build a better future from its ashes.战争结束后,我的外祖父几乎从不提及自己的伤痛;战争期间,他不断地在私下里说,日本将战败。我无法想象,当原子弹爆炸明他的判断时,他是怎样的感受。1947年,仍陷丧母之痛的他做了一件令我十分钦佩的事。他指导母校明治大学(Meiji university)在箱根驿传(Hakone Ekiden)大学接力赛(从东京到富士山脚下往返)中获胜。那是该项赛事自战时中断三年后首次复办。那时的日本正在一片焦土中努力建设更美好的未来,他让新一代日本人懂得了坚毅性格的重要性。The visit of US President Barack Obama to Hiroshima on Friday should not be a time to dredge up old recriminations, or to weigh the respective wages of guilt, but to look to the future — one in which two still civilised societies can build a world without nuclear weapons. One in which the qualities of sanity, tolerance and forgiveness guide our actions. Perhaps we can make America — a certain idea of America, perhaps as a place where a Muslim child fleeing war in Syria might grow up to become president — great again.美国总统巴拉克#8226;奥巴马(Barack Obama)周五对广岛的访问不应被当作一个翻旧账或是评判各自罪责的时机,而应用来展望未来:一个日美两个依旧拥有灿烂文明的社会可以共建无核武世界的未来,一个由理智、宽容和宽恕指引我们行动的未来。也许我们能让美国,一个怀有确定信念的美国,一个逃离叙利亚内战的穆斯林儿童有可能成长为总统的地方,再次变得伟大。As Mr Obama comes to the end of a presidency that has proved at times disappointing, let us encounter tomorrow a moment once again, emphatically, of hope.随着奥巴马有时令人失望的总统任期行将结束,让我们再次坚定地用希望迎接明天。 /201605/446635

Americans are expected to mark the annual Thanksgiving holiday Thursday with family gatherings, meals and bargain shopping.星期四美国人庆祝每年一度的感恩节,与家人团聚,共享美餐,购买折价商品。The celebration is traditionally held on the fourth Thursday in November and marks the beginning of a holiday season that culminates in New Year#39;s celebrations in early January.按照传统,美国人在每年十一月的第四个星期四庆祝感恩节。这一天标志着假日季节的开端。季节的高潮是一月初的新年。The day after Thanksgiving Day is a day for big sales on clothing, toys, and appliances, as people begin their holiday shopping in earnest.感恩节的第二天就是大减价日,所谓的“黑色星期五”。装、玩具和家用电器等商品都折价出售。So-called ;Black Friday; sales begin Thursday on Thanksgiving Day, or even a few days before, and generally end the following Monday, known as Cyber Monday.人们从这一天开始节日购物。折价出售在感恩节甚至更早几天开始,一直持续到星期一。星期一网络促销开始。According to the National Retail Federation, about 68 million people in the U.S. say they expect to shop over the Thanksgiving Day weekend.据美国全国零售商联合会统计,大约6800万美国人表示要在感恩节这个周末购物。On Wednesday, President Barack Obama took care of business, both frivolous and serious. He conducted the traditional ;turkey pardon,; assuring two specially-selected turkeys in a White House ceremony that they would not be made into Thanksgiving dinner.星期三,奥巴马总统处理了大小各类公务。在白宫举行的“赦免火鸡”传统仪式上,奥巴马赦免了两只火鸡,一只叫“诚实”,另一只叫“阿贝”,使它们免于成为餐桌上的美味佳肴。The president also assured the nation that at a time of heightened security, there is no need to worry about terrorist threats as they go about their holiday travels and traditions.此外,奥巴马让美国民众放心,不必担心恐怖主义威胁,尽可依照传统欢度节日。 /201511/412445There will no longer be any legal obstacle to the implementation of a universal two-child policy, if the draft amendment to the family planning law is approved by the top legislature by Sunday.如果计划生育法修正草案在星期日被中国最高立法机关批准,全面二孩政策的实施将不再会有任何法律障碍。The proposed amendment, which is expected to come into force on Jan 1, contains a clause stipulating extended maternity leave and other welfare for couples having children. These are expected to boost the willingness of some couples to have a second child. Many couples have expressed reluctance to have a second child because of the high costs of bringing-up two children and the prejudice they anticipate from employers.这项预计于2016年1月1日生效的修正案,包含一个子条款:为生二孩的夫妻延长生育假和其它福利。这些政策有望提高一些夫妻生二孩的意愿。然而,由于抚养两个孩子的成本会更高,并且女性生二胎还要担心公司老板会有看法,所以许多夫妇都表示不愿意再生。How the longer maternity leave policy is implemented is up to local governments to decide. Specific and legally-binding measures should be worked out at the national level to ensure the policy is carried out and properly enforced to ensure that women are not discriminated against by employers obsessed with minimizing their labor costs.延长的生育假如何落实往往由地方政府决定。国家层面应该颁布执行细则以及具备法律约束力的相关措施,以确保该政策的贯彻实施和合理执行,从而保女性不因劳动成本最小化而受到雇主的歧视。Surveys indicate that a majority of women suffer or have suffered gender prejudice when looking for a job, because employers do not want to grant maternity leave. To avoid possible gender discrimination from employers as a result of their entitlement to maternity leave and increase their employment competitiveness, some female job seekers have reportedly chosen to get married and have their children before graduating from universities.调查显示,大多数女性在求职时正在或者已经因性别偏见受到影响,因为雇主不愿意提供产假。为了避免雇主因需要付产假津贴和提高就业竞争力可能带来的歧视,据报道,一些女性求职者选择在大学毕业前结婚生子。To ease women#39;s concerns following the implementation of the two-child policy, the country should put in place more explicit regulations banning discrimination against women. These could include requiring companies to have a certain percentage of female employees, as well as tax cuts or other preferential measures to encourage employers to effectively implement the extended maternity leave regulation for female workers.随着二孩生育政策的出台,为了缓解女性的担忧,国家应明确规定禁止歧视女性,包括要求公司有一定比例的女员工以及减税或其他优惠措施,以鼓励雇主有效实施女职工产假延长的规定。 /201512/418128

Silicon Valley’s stereotypical approach to solving public problems is to invest in social entrepreneurship. Bypass lumbering government bureaucracy to find innovative solutions that harness economic incentives to create social value. In place of government-run schools, find corporations to fund charter schools. Instead of foreign aid, fund Kiva, a platform that allows individuals with capital, however small, to lend directly to development entrepreneurs who need it.硅谷解决公共问题的模式化做法是投资社会企业。绕过迟缓的政府官僚体制,找到利用经济激励创造社会价值的创造性解决方法。找到企业资助特许学校,以替代政府办学。不是直接对外援助,而是资助Kiva平台,无论数额有多小,拥有资金的个人都可以通过该平台直接借钱给需要资金的创业家。The tech titan perhaps most identified with the concept and practice of social enterprise is Jeff Skoll, first president of eBay, whose eponymous foundation has invested directly in social entrepreneurs around the world, as well as establishing the Skoll Centre for Social Entrepreneurship at the Sa#239;d Business School, Oxford university, and the annual Skoll World Forum on Social Entrepreneurship.最能体现社会企业的概念和实践的科技业巨子可能是eBay的首任总裁杰夫#8226;斯科尔(Jeff Skoll)。他的与自己同名的基金会直接投资给全世界的社会企业家,他还在牛津大学(University of Oxford)赛德商学院(Sa#239;d Business School)建立了斯科尔社会企业中心(Skoll Centre for Social Entrepreneurship),并举办一年一度的斯科尔社会企业世界论坛(Skoll World Forum on Social Entrepreneurship)。The growing class of social entrepreneurs that Skoll and others fund stands between the private and public sectors, applying new tools and approaches to the work government has traditionally done. But in a new book, Getting Beyond Better: How Social Entrepreneurship Works, Skoll Foundation chief executive Sally Osberg and Roger Martin, former dean of the Rotman School of Management, present a model of social enterprise that directly engages government in a number of critical ways.斯科尔和其他人资助的不断扩大的社会企业家队伍立于私人部门和公共部门之间,将新的手段和方法运用到传统上由政府完成的工作上。但在一本新书《超越更好:社会企业是如何运作的》(Getting Beyond Better: How Social Entrepreneurship Works)中,斯科尔基金会的首席执行官萨莉#8226;奥斯贝格(Sally Osberg)和罗特曼管理学院(Rotman School of Management)前院长马丁#8226;罗杰(Roger Martin)提出了一种社会企业模式,以多种极其重要的方式直接让政府参与进来。They offer a helpful definition of social entrepreneurs, as distinct from direct social service providers and social advocates. Social entrepreneurs, they write, “seek to shift a stable but suboptimal equilibrium in a way that is neither entirely mandated nor entirely market driven. They create new approaches to old and pernicious problems.”他们提出了一种有益的社会企业家定义,与社会务的直接提供者和社会事业的倡导者区分开来。他们写道,社会企业家“寻求以一种既非完全授权,又非完全市场驱动的方式,改变稳定但并非最优的均衡。他们创造应对旧的、有害的问题的新方法。”Social entrepreneurs who fit this definition include Muhammad Yunus, the pioneer of “microfinance”, or Molly Melching, the founder of Tostan, who found a way to convince African villagers to reject female genital mutilation on their own terms.符合这一定义的社会企业家包括“小微金融”的先行者穆罕默德#8226;尤努斯(Muhammad Yunus),以及Tostan的创始人莫莉#8226;梅尔欣(Molly Melching),后者找到办法说非洲的村民放弃以他们的方式对女性行割礼。It is interesting, and significant, that social entrepreneurs have found ways to work with government rather than around it. They increase “the willingness or ability of the government to invest” in a particular government service “by reframing the way its value is articulated”. Madhav Chavan, for instance, found a way to measure the efforts of Indian teachers in terms of actual student learning, creating an incentive for the government to invest not in inputs (the numbers of teachers in the field), but in outcomes — the numbers of literate students. As Paul Farmer, the founder of Partners in Health, puts it: “Nongovernmental organisations can and should strengthen the faltering public sector.”社会企业家找到了办法和政府合作,而不是围绕着政府开展工作,这很有趣,意义也很重大。“通过重构价值的表达方式”,他们提高了对特定政府务的“政府投资意愿或者能力”。比如,马达夫#8226;恰范(Madhav Chavan)找到一种办法,以实际学习的学生数量衡量印度教师的工作,不仅推动政府投资于投入(实地教学的教师数量),也投资于产出——有文化的学生数量。就如Partners in Health的创始人保罗#8226;法默(Paul Farmer)所说:“非政府组织能够且应该加强衰落的公共部门。”The public sector, however weak, provides vast scale. And, for all its flaws, it is a source of legitimacy. What is more, it turns out that private entrepreneurs can do more public good when they team up with government. The ride-sharing company Lyft, for instance, has partnered with government planning agencies in California on data-sharing projects to help provide a more detailed picture of how it fits into the regional transport network. It has also shared data about how many customers call Lyft to be picked up or dropped off near train, bus, or subway stations, raising the possibility of an integrated public-private transit system.无论多么衰落,公共部门所提供的规模是巨大的。而且,虽然有诸多缺陷,公共部门是合法性的来源。此外,事实表明,在和政府合作的时候,私人企业家能够更好地造福大众。比如,拼车公司Lyft和加利福尼亚州的政府规划机构合作开展数据分享项目,就Lyft如何融入地区交通网络描绘一幅更详尽的图景。该项目还分享有关有多少通过Lyft叫车的用户在铁路、公交或者地铁站附近上车或者下车的数据,提高公共-私人交通运输系统一体化的可能性。For its part, the American Public Transportation Association has published a report on “Shared Mobility and the Transformation of Public Transit.”美国公共交通协会(APTA)方面则发布了“共享移动性和公共交通转型”的报告。There are similar examples in other industries. Airbnb has agreed with the cities of Portland and San Francisco to help streamline disaster response by identifying hosts who will take in needy citizens in the event of an earthquake or other emergency and sharing that information with city planners. Uber has launched a pilot project with Macomb County in Michigan to offer free rides for jurors and has begun a programme in several cities to increase the number of Uber drivers with wheelchair-accessible vehicles.其他行业也有类似的例子。Airbnb已经和波特兰、旧金山等城市达成协议,通过确定哪些房主能够在发生地震或者其他紧急情况时接收有需要的市民,并将这一信息与城市规划者分享,来帮助简化灾难应对流程。优步(Uber)和密歇根州马科姆(Macomb)县合作启动了一个试点计划,为陪审员提供免费乘车务,并在几个城市启动了增多有轮椅无障碍车辆的优步司机的项目。The larger point here is the emergence of an ecosystem for public problem-solving in which government is no longer the only or even necessarily the primary actor. It includes universities, public policy organisations, direct service and advocacy groups, social enterprise and far-sighted private enterprise. All must learn to work together more closely. If they do, the result will be a new model of effective, engaged and connected democracy.这其中更重要的一点是一种解决公共问题的生态系统的诞生,政府不再是唯一、甚至不再是必不可少的主要参与者。这个生态系统包括了大学、公共政策机构、直接务和倡导群体、社会企业和有远见的私人企业。所有参与方都必须学会更紧密地合作。如果他们做到了,结果会是一种饶有成效、多方参与、相互联通的新民主模式。 /201606/448719

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