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图木舒克哪家割双眼皮比较好新疆医科大学附属肿瘤医院减肥手术多少钱Business商业报道Bihars pro-business reforms比哈尔的利商改革Paper tiger雷声大,雨点小There is more talk about reform than action in Indias poorest state印度的贫困之邦,改革都是浮云Its difficult to stir up business刺激商业谈何容易IT IS surely no coincidence that Bihar, besides being Indias poorest state, has also been its least inviting for entrepreneurs.比哈尔既挂着印度贫困邦的名头,那它的招商引资做得最差,自然是情理之中的事。That is supposed to be changing. Nitish Kumar, Bihars chief minister, has spent his five years in office fixing the roads and other infrastructure.这种现象本应得到改善,比哈尔邦首席部长Nitish Kumar于其任上的5年中,都在大兴土木,改善基础设施。Crime has fallen, so the bright and wealthy are no longer frightened off by the threat of kidnapping, extortion and murder.犯罪率降低了,显贵们不会再被绑架、勒索和谋杀的威胁吓跑。Stability has allowed local trade to flourish.稳定带来地区经济繁荣。A state official reels off an impressive-sounding list of 398 approved investment proposals—from sugar mills to power plants—worth .8 billion.当地官员甩出398份华丽丽的投资意向书,总值48亿美元,内容从糖厂覆盖到能源。That all sounds rosy, until you look for success on the ground.看上去很美,实际都是浮云。Indias tycoons have visited, and left.连一个大型工业投资的案例都拿不出来,There is not one example of a big industrial investment to show for it.无怪乎印度的商业大亨们在此地来去匆匆不留银了。Perhaps local officials are failing to spot the brightest entrepreneurs—those deft enough to avoid the bureaucrats.也许当局没有淘金的眼光,他们需要的是对避免官僚主义驾轻就熟的企业。Take the case of Husk Power Systems, formed in 2007 by three young Biharis and an American friend.拿“米糠发电系统”为例,2007年,3个年轻的哈比尔人和一位美国朋友将该计划成形。It runs 50 micro power plants in rural areas fired by burning otherwise useless rice husks.仅仅靠燃烧无用的米糠,他们在农村地区经营起50家小型发电厂。Now employing more than 250 people, the firm sells cheap electricity to 200,000 rural folk, who previously relied on kerosene lamps or candles.现在,这家拥有250多名员工的公司,为20多万农村人口提供低价电,此前人们离不开的煤油灯和蜡烛,都退出了历史舞台。Each power plant turns a profit in a few months, and Husk plans to build hundreds more in the next two years.几个月后,每个发电厂都开始盈利,稻壳公司计划在未来两年增建100多个发电厂。But that is no thanks to Bihars pen-pushers.然而,比哈尔的官员们对这些成绩毫无帮助。Scientific advisers in Delhi were “very helpful” with permits and business contacts.德里的科学顾问们在办许可和业务往来上称得上是“砖家”,But the entrepreneurs try to avoid contact with the Bihar government as much as possible.但要和比哈尔政府打交道,企业家们都是唯恐避之不及。An early brush-off from one of Mr Kumars deputies set the standard for their treatment.一个前车之鉴就是,他们曾被Kumar先生的众多副手之一不友好地拒绝过。Ratnesh Yadav, one of Husks founders, describes constant struggles with local corruption.与地方腐败的斗争已是家常便饭,稻壳公司的创始人之一Ratnesh Yadav,有着如下讲述。A village policeman grabbed a bundle of cables for one of the first plants, demanding a bribe: the company refused, opting to bore him into submission instead.一名“村警”从最早期的发电厂强占了一大捆电缆,以此向公司索贿,公司不但没有接受,反而迫使他屈。When Husk started building a centre to train its workers near the state capital, Patna, a neighbourhood tough-guy demanded 100,000 rupees in protection money.当公司在邦首府巴特那附近建设员工训练中心时,附近的无赖寻上门来,索要10万卢比的保护费。This was refused, so the builders were threatened, then beaten, and a mob flattened the construction site.这一要求遭到拒绝,于是施工人员先是被威胁,接着被殴打,一群暴民还扫荡了施工场地。A Bihari property developer, while accepting that official corruption is a fact of life, laments how crooked officials in his state prefer “taxing” inputs—the first investments made—to demanding a share in the output of an enterprise, a practice he says is more common in Bengal.比哈尔的一个房地产开发商,一边接受官员腐败的现实,一边感慨着当地政府如此狡诈,官员们倾向于投入“课税”,从而要求在其企业的产出中盘剥。Bengal-style graft at least means officials have a long-term interest in seeing the business thrive.开发商说,在孟加拉,这种现象更为普遍。“孟式”贪污至少表明政府长期乐见于商业的繁荣。The state government talks some fine talk about having made things easier for businesses, such as creating a “one-stop window” for them to submit all their paperwork.邦政府曾有精言论,说要降低商业事务办理难度,例如开设“一站式窗口”,以便商人们投放文件资料。But half a dozen businessmen, asked about the window, hoot with laughter.然而,有6位商人在窗口咨询时,遭遇了呵斥和嘲笑。It is nothing more than a postbox, says one; the papers are simply shuffled on to the same old unresponsive departments.一名商人说,这窗口充其量也就是个邮筒,那些文件被简单的混在得过且过的部门里。An investor with political clout can get things done in perhaps four visits.政商也许4次登门拜访就能把事情搞定,Otherwise, its a long wait.其他投资者,就只有“等到花儿也谢了”。 /201304/234907五家渠市治黄褐斑多少钱 After six days of being grounded aeroplanes have been given the all-clear to fly in British airspace again.经过6天的停飞后各架航班收到了在英国领空再次起飞的解除警报信号。The UK has effectively been a no-fly zone since last Thursday when a huge cloud of volcanic ash was thrown up into the atmosphere by a volcano in Iceland.上周四由于冰岛一座火山喷发形成的巨大火山灰云层已经实际上将英国变成禁飞区。The eruption beneath an Icelandic glacier created an ash cloud that forced airspace closures across northern Europe, stranding many thousands of air travellers.冰岛冰川下火山喷发的火山灰迫使整个北欧领空关闭,成千上万的航空旅客滞留。The ash cloud posed a risk to jet planes because it rose to around 30,000ft which is the normal cruising altitude for passenger planes.火山灰云为喷气式飞机造成了风险,因为其升至约30000英尺是客机正常的巡航高度。Volcanic ash can clog up and damage jet engines while the tiny particles of glass in the ash can also melt and block the ventilation holes which can cause the engines to overheat and stop working.火山灰会阻塞,破坏飞机引擎而其中微小的玻璃颗粒还可以融化及阻塞通风孔洞导致发动机过热并停止工作。201309/258159兰州军区乌鲁木齐总医院做祛眼袋手术多少钱

乌鲁木齐哪里做磨皮激光比较好Lexington莱克星顿Marco Rubio and the safety net马克罗·鲁比奥和他的安全网The Republican Party should take the Florida senators ideas seriously共和党应该把这位佛罗里达州议员的想法当真MARCO RUBIOS shoulder is sore. The junior senator from Florida has just had a cortisone injection to ease the pain from an old football injury. Congress is not short of square-jawed jocks. Given that politics often resembles a professional sport for the over-40s, this may be no coincidence. Mr Rubio, who won a college football scholarship, is an extreme case: his autobiography contains 26 references to the Miami Dolphins. This mania for running back and forth can overshadow another, distinctly un-jock, interest of Mr Rubios, which is in social policy.马克罗·鲁比奥最近肩膀酸痛。这位来自佛罗里达的中年译员刚刚进行了可的松激素注射,以缓解身上因踢足球所受旧伤的疼痛。国会里从来不乏这种方颌运动健将。鉴于政治一向像是40多岁中年人踢的职业比赛,这也许并不是巧合。曾获得过大学足球奖学金的鲁比奥则是其中的极端典型,他的自传里提到迈阿密海豚队的次数高达26次。这种对运动场上跑动的狂热掩盖了鲁比奥另外一个显然不那么运动的兴趣,即对社会政策的关注。Over the past few months, while many of his colleagues have devoted themselves to mauling the president, he has proposed a series of government interventions to improve the lot of cash-strapped Americans. His aim is to have bills y to go if Republicans take control of the Senate in November. This is not the first thing people associate with Mr Rubio, who came to national prominence when he defeated Floridas governor, Charlie Crist, in a Senate race in 2010. At the time he was described as the first Tea Party senator, which implied a desire to burn down government and pour salt on the ashes. This was mistaken.过去的几个月里,在他的许多同事都投身于总统打压战时,鲁比奥却提出了一系列政府干预措施,以改善众多囊中羞涩的美国人的生活。在他的算盘中,如果共和党能够在11月份掌控参议院,这项议案也应当蓄势待发。但这不是人们提起鲁比奥时,最先联想起的事情。早在2010年,当他在参议员竞选中击败佛罗里达州州长查理·克里斯特时,鲁比奥就一战成名了。当时,他被描述成第一位茶党参议员。这个名号总让人觉得他想把政府一烧了之,还要在灰烬里撒盐以免其鬼魂为祸人间。但这其实只是误解。Though Mr Rubio fitted the description of a young insurgent, his background is not that of an anti-government crusader. He first ran for public office aged 26, becoming a member of the city commission in West Miami, a town of 6,000 people. His tenure is remembered, if at all, for the introduction of a bicycle-mounted policeman. When Alberto Gutman, a state senator of distinctively Floridian heritage (he described himself as “Jewban”: ie, Jewish and Cuban) was indicted for a distinctively Floridian crime (Medicare fraud), opening up positions further down the food chain, Mr Rubio was elected to the statehouse aged just 28. His nine years there were mostly spent turning the agenda of Jeb Bush, a centrist Republican governor, into law. He also showed a wonkish streak, travelling around the state holding rather earnest-sounding “idea-raisers”: 100 proposals that emerged from them were subsequently turned into a book.尽管鲁比奥很符合年轻异见者的形象,但他的背景却远不是那种反政府圣战士的标配。26岁时,他第一次竞选官职,成为了拥有6000万人口的西迈阿密城市委员会中的一员。如果他的任期中有值得铭记的事情,那一定是自行车骑警队伍的建立。28岁那年,因为很有佛罗里达特色的州议员阿尔贝托· 古特曼被以很有佛罗里达特色的罪名—医保欺诈—控告,为其下属腾出了席位,鲁比奥被选入州议会。他在这里工作了九年,绝大多数时间是把中立派民主党州长杰布·布什的议程付诸于法。他还展示出了他的书呆子潜质,曾真诚地打着“集中民智”的旗号,游历全州。征集到的百条提案随后都被出书。When he arrived in the Senate Mr Rubio was hailed as a future saviour of a Republican Party struggling to appeal to Hispanic voters, on the basis that his parents had left Cuba in 1956. An aly difficult task was made harder when he had a fight with Univision, the biggest Spanish-language network, in 2011. It became impossible when House Republicans declined to consider an immigration reform bill that Mr Rubio, along with three other Republicans and four Democrats, had put his name to. He has since concluded that a law to address the 12m undocumented migrants in the country will be impossible until the border is secure and the criteria for deciding who gets to come change from prioritising family reunification to favouring workers.他一进入参议院,就被看做共和党未来的救星,因为共和党正在努力吸引西班牙裔选民,而父母在1956年离开古巴的鲁比奥自然吃香。但2011年,当鲁比奥与美国最大的西班牙语网站环球电视台展开口角时,这一本就艰难的任务变得难上加难。而当众议院的共和党人拒绝考虑鲁比奥、三名其他共和党人士和四名民主党人士签署的移民改革法案时,希望彻底破灭。自此,鲁比奥得出了一个结论,即除非边境安全得到确保,以及移民标准不再致力于让家庭重新团圆而是更加偏爱工人,解决国内1200万未登记移民问题的法律是不可能被通过的。This will not win over the voters that the GOP had hoped Mr Rubio would magically deliver: even young Cubans, who have long stood out among Latinos for their attachment to the Republican Party, have started to switch their loyalties to the Democrats. On climate change, too, Mr Rubio is hardly a breath of fresh air. Most scientists, he says, agree that man is to blame, but he sees no point in imposing heavy economic costs on Americans for uncertain benefits.但这也不能争取到大老党希望鲁比奥施展魔力吸引到的选民群们,长期以来,连拉美裔中一直因为亲近共和党而格外显眼的古巴年轻人群,都开始转而向民主党效忠。在气候变化问题上,鲁比奥也难以让人耳目一新。尽管他也承认,大多数科学家都认为人类就是气候变化的罪魁祸首,但却并无意为了不确定的利益,让美国人担起沉重的经济代价。If Mr Rubio is going to rescue his party from anything it is from an overly narrow view of what government ought to do. Both Mr Rubios parents worked at low-wage jobs—his father as a bartender, his mother at Kmart—but were able to provide a life for him and his siblings that was within touching distance of the middle class. In the years since then, he argues, a mixture of globalisation and automation have held down wages for low-skilled workers, making it harder for people without university degrees to repeat what his own parents managed to do.如果鲁比奥真的要拯救共和党,那就必须改变其党派对政府职能过度狭隘的观点。鲁比奥的父母都是低薪工作者,他的父亲是一位酒保,而母亲则在零售商店凯马特中工作,但父母两人却能够为鲁比奥及其兄弟提供媲美中产阶级的生活。然而,鲁比奥认为,自那以后,全球化和自动化压低了技艺水平较低的工人的工资,使得没有大学学历的工人越来越重演鲁比奥父母的故事。Mr Rubio has various proposals for addressing this, including a federal wage subsidy to top up the incomes of the low-paid. He wants to help more students go to college, but also thinks the federal government should experiment with hiring people without degrees for white-collar work, as an example to other employers. Some of these ideas are unlikely to fly, such as a scheme to allow students to sell a share of their future income in exchange for money to fund tuition up front. But they show an urge to innovate that the GOPs Congressional wing has been missing.对此,鲁比奥提出了不同议案,包括一项联邦工资补贴,来补贴低收入者的工资水平。他想要帮助更多的学生就读大学,但与此同时,他认为联邦政府也应当试着雇佣没有大学学历的人群来从事白领工作,以为其他的雇主带个好头。但鲁比奥的有些构想是不可能有前途的,比如他曾计划让学生放弃一部分未来的收入,以预先用来付学费。尽管如此,这些想法仍然展现了共和党在国会中缺失的一种创新欲望。Does a safety net give people courage to soar?安全网会让美国人更加勇敢地高飞吗?This is daring stuff in the context of todays Republican Party because it envisages a role for government that many conservatives would find distasteful. Where Republican orthodoxy suggests saving poor people from welfare dependency by mercifully reducing the amount of money they receive, Mr Rubio aims to cut welfare spending by reducing the demand for it, keeping funding at the same level but handing anti-poverty programmes over to the states to figure out what works. “I dont take my children to the circus very often,” he says, “but when I do I have noticed that acrobats tend to be much more daring when they have a safety net beneath them.” Such support “is essential for the success of the free enterprise system”.鲁比奥代表了当今共和党派中富有胆识的一派,因为他们为政府构想的职能,是许多保守党派深觉反感的。当共和党中的老派人士建议通过仁慈地降低福利水平,以拯救穷人对福利项目的依赖时,鲁比奥却计划通过降低需求来减少福利开,将补助水平维持原有标准不改变的同时,把反贫困项目下放到各州,来找出其中有效的方案。他说:“我并不经常带小孩去马戏团,不过有时候去,我注意到当下面有安全网时,杂技演员会更勇敢。”因此,这样的持“对自由企业体制的成功至关重要”。It is hard to imagine some other Republicans with presidential ambitions saying anything like that. Senators Rand Paul of Kentucky and Ted Cruz of Texas, for example, often give the impression that the only thing standing between America and a restoration of the upwardly mobile society of the 1950s is a more faithful interpretation of the constitution. Mr Rubio is only 43, so he is probably not experienced enough to take on Hillary Clinton in 2016. But right now he is the most effective standard-bearer for conservatives who worry more about reducing poverty and long-term unemployment than about waging culture wars and cutting income tax. Whoever wins in November, these thoughts are worth taking seriously.很难想象其他有志成为总统的共和党人士会说出这样的话。举个例子,肯塔基州的参议员保罗·兰德和德克萨斯州的特德·克鲁兹常常给人的印象就是,挡在美国和复兴上个世纪五十年代处在上升时期的移动社会之间的唯一阻碍,就是对宪法更为诚实的解读。鲁比奥今年仅有43岁,因此他的资历也许不足以使他在2016年接替希拉里·克林顿。但就目前而言,他是保守党最具效率的旗手,因为比起发动战争和减少个人所得税,现在的保守党显然更担忧减少贫困和降低长期失业率的问题。不管在11月份谁将笑到最后,鲁比奥的想法都值得认真考虑。 /201407/312305新疆石油管理局职工总医院做隆胸手术多少钱 Castles are usually enormous structures requiring strong foundations and the use of heavy construction materials such as stone. 一般来说,城堡是巨大的建筑物,需要打下夯实的地基并且使用石头等材料。If the foundations are not strong enough, the castle could collapse. 如果地基打的不够坚实,城堡就会倒塌的。The idea of building a castle in the air-with no foundation at all-is, of course, ridiculous. 在空中建城堡,不打地基,当然可笑至极。That is why this idiom is used to describe ideas that are not realistic, as if they are dreams or fantasies. 这就是为什么这个习语是用来描述那些不切实际的想法,就像梦跟幻觉一样。So when someone describes a plan or course of action that we believe may be impossible to achieve, we tell him, ;Youre building castles in the air.; 当我们觉得某人描述的计划或者行动方案是不太可能完成的,我们会告诉他“你是在空中盖城堡。”A similar idiom is ;building castles in the sand.; 一则类似的谚语是“沙堆上垒城堡”。We know that, on a beach, sand castles are inevitably and easily destroyed by the tide. 我们都知道,在海滩上,沙堆城堡不可避免地很容易就会被海浪破坏掉。They are not built to last a long time. 它们不会维持很长时间。So when we say someone is ;building castles in the sand,; we mean they are creating something that wont endure very long.所以说当我们对别人说“沙堆上垒城堡”,我们的意思是他们建成的东西通常是坚持不了多久的。201307/250259库尔勒市打玻尿酸多少钱

乌鲁木齐祛疤哪家好Marmosets are small primates.绒猴是很小的灵长类。Think of a monkey with huge fuzzy ears.试想一下,猴子长者一对大大的毛绒绒的耳朵。Primatologists have oftenwondered whether nonhuman males evaluated their potential mates, or whether their sex drivewas more like an on/off switch.动物学家时常有这样的疑惑:雄性动物选择“另一半”或者控制性欲是否更像是一个开关键。We may think of animals as just responding to sexual invitations without thinking, but a studyconducted in both the U.S. and Germany shows this isnt necessarily so.我们也许会认为动物对于性邀请基本是不假思索的,但最近美国和德国有研究称事实并非如此。Male marmosets havingtheir brains scanned were given sniffs of genital-gland secretions from ovulating females.雄性绒猴用它们的大脑扫描,闻正在排卵的磁性动物生殖腺的分泌物。Thats a scent that should trigger a mating response in the brain, and it did!有一种气味会引起大脑里的交配反应,这样它们才会进行交配。But guess what elsehappened?但你猜还会发生什么情况?Many other brain areas lit up as well, such as memory formation, informationintegration–in other words, areas associated with decision-making.很多其它的大脑叶都会被“激活”,像信息形成,信息整合,也就是说,所有和决策相关的区域。Researchers are still studying the effect, but apparently a lot more happens in a marmoset brainthan a simple “have sex now” program.研究人员还在观察其影响,但很显然,绒猴的脑部有很多活动而不是一个简单的“性行为”指定。The specific areas of brain activity suggest that the malesare evaluating potential mates before agreeing to a sexual union.特定区域的大脑活动暗示雄性绒猴在性结合之前会评估潜在的交配对象。This makes special sense for marmosets, because they are monogamous and both partners raise the offspring.这对于绒猴有特殊的意义,因为它们是单配制,并且共同抚养后代。Under those circumstances you wouldnt want to enter into a relationship without any thought.在这种情况下,就不会不假思索地介入这段关系了。 201405/296632 乌鲁木齐玻尿酸丰太阳穴哪家医院好伊宁做双眼皮手术多少钱



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