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攀枝花不孕不育医院重庆长寿化工园区医院流产Fragile world economy still on ‘life support’全球经济复苏依然脆弱The world economy “remains on life support” from central banks and has deteriorated since last autumn, the latest Brookings Institution-Financial Times tracking index shows, despite some recent signs of stabilisation.最新的布鲁金斯学会(Brookings Institution)—英国《金融时报》追踪指标显示,世界经济“仍然依赖”各国央行来“维持生命”,并且自去年秋天以来世界经济状况有所恶化。Weakness extends across the Group of 20 leading economies, according to the TIGER (Tracking Indices for the Global Economic Recovery) index, but advanced economies have deteriorated more than developing countries. 全球经济复苏追踪指标(TIGER)显示,经济乏力的现象普遍存在于二十国集团(G20)领先经济体中,但发达经济体的恶化程度比发展中国家更加严重。The index provides support for the message Christine Lagarde, managing director of the International Monetary Fund, sent last week that although there has been some improvement since the turn of the year, “the risks remain high, the situation fragile”. 这一指标持了国际货币基金组织(IMF)总裁克里斯蒂娜#8226;拉加德(Christine Lagarde)上周发表的,即尽管从年初开始有一些好转,但“风险仍然很高,局面很脆弱”。Although markets recovered significantly in the first quarter of the year as investors welcomed the European Central Bank’s injection of liquidity into the eurozone’s banks, the outlook for growth and jobs has become more precarious almost everywhere except in the US. 尽管随着投资者欢迎欧洲央行(ECB)向欧洲体系注入流动性,今年一季度市场显著复苏,但除了美国外,其他国家的经济增长和就业前景都变得更加不确定了。Professor Eswar Prasad of the Brookings Institution said: “The global economic recovery is still sputtering due to a lack of robust demand, policy tools that are stretched to their limits and unable to muster much traction, and enormous risks posed by weak financial systems and political uncertainty.” 布鲁金斯学会的埃斯华#8226;普拉萨德(Eswar Prasad)教授指出:“由于缺乏强劲的需求,且政策工具已经用足,无法施加更强的拉动,加上虚弱的金融体系和政治不确定性构成巨大风险,全球经济复苏仍然断断续续。”The real economy component of the index has been hard hit as growth prospects in Europe, aly fragile after the 2011 crisis, have been further undermined by brutal austerity plans in many countries. “This is stifling growth, worsening debt-to-GDP ratios in the short run, and generating an unsustainable political situation at the domestic and pan-European levels,” Prof Prasad said. 该指数的实体经济成分受到了欧洲经济增长前景的巨大打击,欧洲经济在2011年的危机后已经十分脆弱,许多国家实施的无情的财政紧缩方案又令其雪上加霜。普拉萨德教授说:“这会扼杀经济增长,在短期恶化债务与GDP的比值,在各国国内和整个欧洲的层面上造成不可持续的政治局面。”The US recovery, by contrast has become more robust although it remains vulnerable to shocks and its growth remains modest. 与此形成反差的是,美国经济复苏已经变得更加强劲,尽管美国仍然易受冲击影响,而且经济增长有限。But it is not just the advanced economies that are suffering. The growth outlook in emerging markets has also deteriorated with output falling short of expectations in all of the Bric countries – Brazil, Russia, India and China. “The burden of sustaining world growth is taking a toll on emerging market economies,” Prof Prasad said. 状况不佳的并不仅限于发达经济体。新兴市场国家的增长前景也出现恶化,所有金砖国家(巴西、俄罗斯、印度、中国)的经济产出均逊于预期。普拉萨德说:“维持全球增长的重担,正使新兴市场经济体付出代价。” /201204/177893眉山治不孕医院 It may lack the sophistication and addictive power of Farmville or World of Warcraft. But an online game in which a family fights off a demolition crew with slippers and bullets has hooked Chinese internet users.它也许不如“开心农场”或“魔兽世界”那样精致和令人着迷,但这款表现家庭成员利用拖鞋和子弹反抗拆迁队的在线游戏却吸引了许多中国网民。The Big Battle: Nail House Versus Demolition Team has triumphed not through playability, but by tapping into widesp anger about forced relocations. "Nail houses" are the last homes left standing in areas slated for clearance, so called because they stick out when all around them have been demolished. Owners resist because they do not want to move at all or think that compensation is unfairly low, but wrecking crews often retaliate with tactics ranging from cutting off power and water to physical violence.“钉子户大战拆迁队”的成功秘诀并非在于可玩性,而是迎合了民众对强制拆迁的普遍愤怒。“钉子户”是指拆迁区域里的最后几家住户,之所以这么称呼,是因为在周围所有建筑都被拆除后它们显得格外突出。住户之所以抵抗,是因为他们根本不希望搬家,或者认为拆迁补偿款过低,但拆迁队通常用断电、断水甚至是暴力等手段进行报复。In the game, Mrs Ding, still in her curlers, hurls slippers as the men approach, while Grandpa Ding prefers to fire his shotgun. It might sound improbable, but one real life farmer in Hubei Province fought off workers with a homemade cannon. Popular online gaming site 17173 said the nail-house game ranked third among last month's top games and the game has quickly been replicated across the web.游戏中,头戴卷发器的丁老妈会向不断靠近的拆迁队投掷拖鞋,而丁老爷子则喜欢开他的猎。这听起来似乎不太可能,但在现实中,湖北省的一位农民真的利用自制的土炮击退了拆迁队。热门的网络游戏网站17173说,“钉子户大战拆迁队”在上个月的游戏排行榜中排名第三。该游戏在网络上很快被到处复制。 /201009/114225华西不孕不育专科

达州哪家医院能修复处女膜China has the world#39;s largest number of billionaires and 700 million peasants. In between is a surprisingly thin and unhappy middle class, which poses a big social and economic challenge.中国有全世界数量最多的亿万富翁,还有七亿农民。夹在两者之间的,是薄薄的一层中产,而且他们还相当不高兴。这对中国未来经济和社会发展都是一个挑战。Among the 3,000 delegates of the 2013 National People#39;s Congress, the percentage of blue-collar workers and peasants has risen to 13% from 8% in 2012. The number of migrant workers has jumped to 30 from just three last year. Wealthy Chinese continue to be well represented. China#39;s richest man, Zong Qinhou, is attending the annual powwow for the 11th time.在3,000来位全国人大代表中,工人和农民的比例从2012年的8%上升到了今年了13%。农民工代表的数量更是从去年的3位上升到今年的30位左右。富裕的阶层继续获得良好的代表,比如中国首富宗庆后已经是第11次参加全国人民代表大会了。The squeezed middle class deserves more love. As many as 51% of Chinese working professionals suffered from some level of depression, the Ministry of Health said in 2011. They blame pressure from a rapidly changing society, increased competition, long work hours and high property prices.中国被挤压的中产阶级需要更多的关爱。卫生部2011年曾经引用数据说,有高达51%的中国人患有不同程度的抑郁。原因在于快速变化的社会、日益激烈的竞争、长工作时间还有高房价。#39;The biggest risk in the world is China#39;s middle class not being happy,#39; said Shaun Rein, the managing director of China Market Research, a consulting firm. #39;They are the most pessimistic group in the world.#39; #39;The truly rich can afford to live anywhere, and the poor get double-digit wage increases every year,#39; Mr. Rein, author of the book #39;End of Cheap China,#39; said. #39;China#39;s middle class has hopes to own a car and home and be rich one day. But as their salary growth slows, they realize they will never be able to get there.#39;“中国现在最大的问题是中产阶级不高兴,他们是全世界最悲观的一群中产,”咨询机构CMR的创始者和总经理,《廉价中国的结束》一书作者Shaun Rein说,“ 真正的有钱人可以在任何他们想要的地方生活,而底层人民每年会得到两位数的收入增长。中国的中产阶级希望能够买车买房,有一天成为富人。但随着他们的收入增长放缓,他们意识到自己可能永远也达不到那个目标。”The Chinese government has made it a priority to help migrant workers. In 2012, 25 provinces raised minimum wages by an average of 20%, official data show. But wage increases for managers at multinationals, private and state-owned companies have slowed or stalled.中国政府已经把帮助农民工作为一个优先任务。2012年,官方数据显示中国25个城市最低工资平均提高了20%。但近年来,跨国企业、国有和私营企业的工资涨幅开始放缓,甚至停滞。At present, the great majority of the Chinese are working class, living in households with annual disposable income of between ,000 and ,000, just about enough to cover basic needs, according to consulting firm McKinsey amp; Co. The middle class, with annual disposable income of between ,000 and ,000, make up only 6% of the urban population. A tiny group of upper-middle-class to rich consumers, whose disposable income exceeds ,000, comprises only 2% of the urban population.据麦肯锡调查,目前来看,中国绝大多数人不过是工薪阶层,每年可配收入在37,000元 到106,000元人民币,只够付日常开销。中产阶级,每年可配收入在106,000 元到 229,000元人民币,他们是有更多可以随意花销的钱的人,但只占有城镇人口的6%。每年可配收入高于229,000元人民币的就可以算是富裕人士了,他们的人数只占城镇人口的2%。The Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development defines the global middle class as those households with daily spending between and 0 per person in purchasing power parity terms. The OECD reckons the U.S. has the biggest middle class in the world, with some 230 million people, or 73% of the population. It puts China#39;s middle class at up to 10% of the population, but expects the number to rise to 40% by 2020.经济合作组织对中产的定义是每天消费在10美元到100美元的人士,并根据不同国家价格水平进行调整。该组织认为美国有世界上最大的中产阶级群,即2,300万人口,占总国民的73%;而中国的中产数量相当于近10%的人口数量,但预计2020年人数会上升到总人数的40%。根据胡润2013年数据,按美元计算,中国有408个身家在10亿美元以上的人,而美国只有317个。China has 408 billionaires, more than the 317 who live in the U.S., according to Hurun Global Rich list 2013.中国基本生活用品相对还是不贵,但要在中国过上中产阶级生活,则并不便宜。在北京,一杯星巴克拿铁大约要4.81美元,旧金山要3.55美元,香港要3.87美元。中国制造的大众帕萨特在国内最高可以卖到5万美金,在美国只要3.3万美元。中国制造的衣和电子产品常常比国外价格要高,中国效率不高的零售系统可能是原因之一。Although basic goods in China are still relatively cheap, it is costly to lead a middle-class life in China. A Starbucks grande latte costs .81 in Beijing, compared with .55 in San Francisco and .87 in Hong Kong. A locally made Volkswagen Passat sedan retails for up to ,000 in China, versus up to ,000 in the U.S. Goods that are made in China, including clothing and electronics, are often more expensive there than they are abroad, partly due to inefficient distribution.中国的中产阶级也受到高房价的困扰。“就是因为高房价,中国的中产阶级存不下什么钱。”波士顿咨询公司的合伙人Jeff Walters说。The middle class in China also suffers from high housing costs. Average rent jumped 9% in Beijing in January, according to the Statistics Bureau. #39;If only because of rent, it is hard to save a lot of money in top-tier cities for the middle class,#39; said Jeff Walters, a partner at Boston Consulting. In some ways, middle-class status in China doesn#39;t confer the same privileges as in the West. In China, basic things such as uncontaminated baby formula, clean air, top-quality schools and private hospitals are luxuries, out of reach of many members of the middle class. Usually, the middle class is the stabilizing force in a society. But China#39;s nascent middle class, which is increasingly demanding better health and more freedom, marched on the streets of the prosperous Ningbo city in 2012 to protest a chemical project.在中国做个中产阶级的感觉可能不如西方中产阶级。那些日常的东西,比如安全的婴儿奶粉、洁净的空气、教学质量一流的学校和私人医院都是一种奢侈品,是普通的中产阶级可望而不可及的。一般来说,中产阶级是社会的稳定力量,但中国的新兴中产阶级越来越多地要求更好的医疗条件和自由,在相对富裕的宁波市,去年市民为了反对一个化工项目走上大街游行。The authorities have said they want to develop an olive-shaped society, with a fat base in the middle. The 18th Party Congress in late 2012 came up with a new plan to double average income by 2020 by changing the economic growth model and income distribution system. But they may be missing something.中国政府说想要打造橄榄型的社会,两头尖中间大。十八大也有了在2020年前,通过改变经济增长模式和收入分配结构来将收入翻倍的计划。但这么做并非足够。#39;The government hasn#39;t addressed the core of the issue,#39; said Wang Xiaolu of the China Reform Foundation and one of China#39;s leading academics on income distribution. #39;Without reforms of the fiscal system, land policies, social welfare and the administrative system, mere income growth can#39;t resolve China#39;s middle class problem.#39;“更突出的问题没有提,”中国收入分配专家、中国改革基金会的王小鲁说,“如果没有财税、土地、社保和行政体制的改革,光把收入提高解决不了中产的实际问题。” /201303/230991四川大学华西第四医院闭经痛经白带异常处女膜修复手术 成都治疗女性不孕不育好的医院

广元市妇幼保健院医术怎么样US inequality is at its highest point for nearly a century. Those at the top – no matter how you slice it – are enjoying a larger share of the national pie; the number below the poverty level is growing. The gap between those with the median income and those at the top is growing, too. The US used to think of itself as a middle-class country – but this is no longer true.美国的不平等程度正处于近一个世纪以来的最高点。不管你如何解读,收入最高的人群正享用着更大的一块蛋糕;位于贫困线以下的人群正在扩大。中值收入和最高收入人群之间的差距也在拉大。美国曾经认为自己是一个中产阶级国家,但情况已不再是这样了。Economists have justified such disparities by citing ;marginal productivity theory;, which explains higher incomes through greater societal contributions. But those who have really transformed our society, by providing the knowledge that underpins the advances in technology, earn a relative pittance. Just think of the inventors of the laser, the Turing machine or the discoverers of DNA. The innovation of those on Wall Street, while well compensated, brought the global economy to the brink of ruin; and these financial entrepreneurs walked off with mega-incomes.经济学家们引用;边际生产率理论;(marginal productivity theory)为此类差异提供理由,该理论用更大的社会贡献来解释更高的收入。但那些提供推动技术进步的知识、从而真正改变我们的社会的人,得到的报酬相对微薄。想想激光、图灵机的发明人,或者DNA的发现者吧。华尔街高薪人士的创新把全球经济推向毁灭的边缘,可这些金融企业家们照样揣着巨额收入一走了事。One might feel better about inequality if there were a grain of truth in trickle-down economics. But the median income of Americans today is lower than it was a decade and a half ago; and the median income of a full-time male worker is lower than it was more than four decades ago. Meanwhile, those at the top have never had it so good.如果滴漏(trickle-down)经济学有一点点道理的话,人们对于不平等的心态或许会好一点。但美国人如今的收入中值不及15年以前;全职男性员工的收入中值低于40多年前。与此同时,那些收入最高的人群从未像现在这样富有。Some argue that increased inequality is an inevitable byproduct of the market. False: several countries are reducing inequality while maintaining economic growth.一些人辩称,不平等程度加剧是市场不可避免的副产品。错:有好几个国家在降低不平等程度的同时保持了经济增长。Markets are shaped by the rules of the game. Our political system has written rules that benefit the rich at the expense of others. Financial regulations allow predatory lending and abusive credit-card practices that transfer money from the bottom to the top. So do bankruptcy laws that provide priority for derivatives. The rules of globalisation – where capital is freely mobile but workers are not– enhance an aly large asymmetry of bargaining: businesses threaten to leave the country unless workers make strong concessions.市场是用游戏规则塑造而成的。我们的政治体制制定了造福于富人、而让其他人付出代价的规则。金融监管听任掠夺性的放贷和欺骗性的信用卡业务实践泛滥,从而让金钱从底层向顶层转移。为衍生品提供优先权的破产法也是如此。全球化的规则(资金可以自由流动,但员工不可以)加剧了本已巨大的议价不对称性:企业威胁,除非员工做出巨大让步,否则将离开所在国家。Textbooks teach us that we can have a more egalitarian society only if we give up growth or efficiency. However, closer analysis shows that we are paying a high price for inequality: it contributes to social, economic and political instability, and to lower growth. Western countries with the healthiest economies (for example those in Scandinavia) are also the countries with the highest degree of equality.教科书告诉我们,只有放弃增长或效率,我们才能拥有一个更平等的社会。然而,更仔细的分析显示,我们正为不平等付出巨大代价:它加剧了社会、经济和政治的不稳定,也加剧了增长放缓。拥有最健康经济的西方国家(例如斯堪的纳维亚半岛国家)也是平等程度最高的国家。The US grew far faster in the decades after the second world war, when inequality was lower, than it did after 1980, since when the gains have gone disproportionately to the top. There is growing evidence looking across countries over time that suggests a link between equality, growth and stability.在二战后不平等程度较低的那几十年里,美国经济的增速远远快于1980年以后。1980年后,经济增长所带来的好处超出比例地流向收入最高人群。从各个国家的长期数据来看,越来越多的据表明,平等、增长和稳定之间似乎存在着一定联系。There is good news in this: by reducing rent-seeking – finding ways of getting a larger share of the pie, rather than making the pie larger – and the distortions that give rise to so much of America#39;s inequality we can achieve a fairer society and a better-performing economy. Laws that tax speculators at less than half the rate of those who work for a living or make the innovations that are transforming our society, say something about our values; but they also distort our economy, encouraging young people to move into gambling rather than into more productive areas. Since so much of the income at the top is derived from rent seeking, higher taxes at the top would discourage rent-seeking.从好的方面来看:通过减少;寻租;(设法分得更大一块蛋糕,而不是把蛋糕做得更大),减少给美国带来这么多不平等的扭曲机制,我们可以让美国社会更加公平,也让美国经济运转得更好。针对投机者的税率,尚不及挣钱谋生者和创新者适用税率的一半,这样的法律在某种程度上体现了我们的价值观,但也扭曲了我们的经济,鼓励年轻人投机,而不是投入生产活动。因为顶层有这么多收入来自;寻租;,因此对收入最高人群征更高的税会抑制;寻租;。America used to be thought of as the land of opportunity. Today, a child#39;s life chances are more dependent on the income of his or her parents than in Europe, or any other of the advanced industrial countries for which there are data. The US worked hard to create the American dream of opportunity. But today, that dream is a myth.过去,人们觉得美国遍地是机会。可在如今的美国,一个孩子在人生机遇方面依赖父母收入的程度,超过欧洲或有数据记录的其他任何发达工业国家。昔日的美国努力创造机会均等的;美国梦;。但如今,;美国梦;只是个神话。We can once again become a land of opportunity but it will not happen on its own, and it will not happen with a politics that focuses on cutting public education and other programmes to enhance opportunities for the bottom and middle, while cutting taxes for those at the very top. President Barack Obama#39;s support for these investments, as well as the ;Buffett rule; that asks those at the top to pay at least as much in tax as a share of their income as those who are less fortunate, are moves in the right direction. Republican candidate Mitt Romney#39;s suggestion that we cut back on public employees is worrisome; as is his silence on whether capital gains on speculation should be taxed at a lower rate than income derived from hard work.美国能够再次变成一个遍地是机会的地方,但这种变化不会自动发生。只要我们还在实行这样的政策——削减公共教育和有助于增加中下层发展机会的其他项目、同时削减收入最高人群适用的税率——这种变化就不会发生。美国总统巴拉克#8226;奥巴马(Barack Obama)持公共教育等投资,并持;巴菲特规则;(要求针对收入最高人群的所得税税率至少达到普通人的水平),这些举措的方向都是正确的。共和党总统候选人米特#8226;罗姆尼(Mitt Romney)提出要裁减公务员,同时在另一个问题上(投机产生的资本利得适用税率是否应低于辛勤工作所得)保持沉默,这些都令人担忧。The country will have to make a choice: if it continues as it has in recent decades, the lack of opportunity will mean a more divided society, marked by lower growth and higher social, political and economic instability. Or it can recognise that the economy has lost its balance. The gilded age led to the progressive era, the excesses of the Roaring Twenties led to the Depression, which in turn led to the New Deal. Each time, the country saw the extremes to which it was going and pulled back. The question is, will it do so once again?美国将不得不面临一个抉择:如果继续走近几十年的老路,机会的匮乏将意味着社会分化更加严重,经济增长率降低,社会、政治和经济更加不稳定。抑或,美国可以意识到:经济已失衡。黄金时代之后迎来进步时代,咆哮的二十年代(Roaring Twenties)的过分行为引发大萧条(Depression),而大萧条又引出罗斯福新政(New Deal)。每次发现自己正走向极端之后,这个国家都把自己拉回了正常轨道。问题是,这一次还会这样吗? /201206/188678 成都药流多少钱成都市第六医院挂号电话



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